Hadar Lifshitz
Sharansky the leader
Those hoping to avert civil war should pray Sharansky becomes prime minister
Natan Sharansky's resignation from the government reveals to us a different kind of politician.
A person like him stands no chance in political talk shows, as his sharpness of tongue is lacking in comparison to other local politicians.
Moreover, personal insults are of no interest to him.
Israeli media, which is mostly interested in personal battles and the interests behind them, turned Sharansky into a forgotten figure.
Can anyone quote one provocative statement made by him? A humiliating comment directed at a political adversary?
His opinions don't change frequently, they are not unequivocal, and they do not carry the promise of immediate solutions.
Indeed, Sharansky is no magician. Who cares about him?
Shies away from publicity
Several years ago, a friend of mine was appointed as Minister Sharansky's media advisor. I met her about six months later and was told that she stopped working for him.
"Turns out he's a difficult man," I muttered, but she explained that the opposite was true.
Sharansky is businesslike and devoid of any haughty etiquette. Moreover, the work environment in his team is efficient and friendly. However, the man shies away from media and publicity.
"I found myself providing public relations service for a person who doesn't seek publicity," my friend concluded.
The contrast between Sharansky to newspaper headlines and sensational stories is manifested not only through his leadership style. An examination of his positions explains why he fails to arouse excitement in a society looking for a messiah and "peace now," or at least an immediate IDF victory.
Sharansky did not promise either peace or security. However, those dreaming of a Greater Israel would not find it in his platform either.
Since he ran for office in the 1996 elections, his road focused on entirely different, long-term objectives.
Bush quotes Sharansky
Democracy is a mandatory prerequisite for any chance of regional peace, he argued. During that time, even former Likud Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continued with the Oslo peace process, while American President Bill Clinton allowed Bin-Laden to act uninterrupted.
However, Sharansky continued to recommend democracy as the medicine for flawed international relations. Instead of territorial agreements, his was chiefly interested in human rights.
Yet outside Israel Sharansky is an embraced and esteemed Israeli. Time Magazine even designated him as one of the world's most influential thinkers. In the U.S. and among world Jews, Natan Sharansky symbolizes the fight against tyranny, as well as courage, and determination.
All those things were once symbolized by the State of Israel, too.
U.S. Vice President Cheney even consults with him on issues related to the global war against terrorism. (I was told about the many meetings between the two by the frustrated former media advisor, who noted how many other ministers beg for a photo opportunity with senior American leaders.)
In his inauguration speech, President George W. Bush chose to quote Sharansky's book as the motto that would lead the free world in its battle against terrorism.
Praying for a miracle?
As one who sees human rights as democracy's ultimate objective, Sharansky protested the disengagement plan. As one who demands a solid majority decision, Sharansky always demanded broad agreement.
In the past, he demanded that Netanyahu bring the Labor party into his government, and later he demanded that Sharon agree to a national referendum on the disengagement plan.
Democracy is not only a medicine to be used in international relations; it is also the basis for Israel's internal politics. A democracy of compromise and dialogue.
In the face of generals and former Special Forces officers, who stress victory and the value of "capturing the target," Sharansky presents a civil agenda, allegiance to values, and patience.
The National Camp, from the Likud Central Committee to the Yesha Council, battles Ariel Sharon without presenting a clear alternate leader. When the camp disintegrates, radicals flourish at its margins.
Sharansky cannot promise immediate success in the urgent battle for human rights, Zionism, and democracy.
However, he has shown allegiance to those values and has led seemingly hopeless fights with wisdom and determination.
Those praying for a miracle that would prevent the degeneration of Israeli democracy to a bloody civil war, must hope that civilian leader Sharansky becomes prime minister.
But do we deserve him?
