"The floor is crooked" complained the dancer who couldn't perform a pirouette. "The system is to blame" say Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's associates while looking for a new system such as postponing the elections, holding regional or presidential elections, or perhaps constitutional elections that would with the stroke of a wand solve all the current system's ills.
Why now, ask our readers. Itamar Eichner, a Yedioth Ahronoth journalist who made the announcement regarding the new move over the weekend, presented the arguments given by the prime minister's strategic advisors.
The war they say, buried Olmert's realignment plan. Now he has no agenda. Changing the political system will constitute a new agenda (Olmert denied this report in a statement Saturday.)
Had Olmert's advisors listened to my advice they would have deleted the word "strategic" from their business cards. Those who were harmed by their strategic bungling during the war will not be convinced after the war.
They are complaining about the obstacles the political system places in the prime minister's path. He would like to strengthen his authority but is finding it difficult. He would like to ensure that he will remain in office for the full four years, but he is finding it difficult. He would like to expand his coalition government and reshuffle the ministers, but he is finding it difficult.
When such complaints are sounded after the second Lebanon war they sound trite and contain a fair measure of chutzpa.
Throughout the war Olmert enjoyed complete freedom. His coalition partners did not tie his hands. The right wing opposition gave him a tailwind. Public opinion stood firmly behind him. The decisions made were entirely his own.
Olmert didn't lack power during the war; on the contrary, he needed someone with experience and know-how to warn him against making hasty decisions. No change in the political system will force the prime minister to listen.
It wasn't the system that gave birth to the unfortunate appointment of Amir Peretz to the post of defense minister.
His appointment was born in the minds of Olmert and his cronies, who believed that everything is political – even that state security is political. The combination of Olmert's excess cynicism and Peretz's inflated ego enabled this appointment, it wasn't the system.
During the war Peretz walked around like a cheerleader in a marching band, he threw his baton vigorously into the air and deluded himself that the band was playing to his beat. It's the man, not the system.
The most outrageous argument, however, is that the cabinet's agenda has become void of content with nothing to aspire to. There's nothing it can do. The contrary is true: The national agenda is bowing under the pressure.
Firstly, what was destroyed must be amended, and what was distorted needs to be fixed. The IDF is in dire need of reform. The local authorities are in dire need of reforms. The north of the country is waiting for a savior.
Hardly a thing has been done in these areas during the five weeks that have elapsed since the end of the war.
The political system in Israel is ailing, there is no argument here. Its ailment, however, doesn't stem from one political system or another, but from other more deeply ingrained reasons.
The symptoms are well known. The parties are in ruin, they are rotten and corrupt. The public has no interest in them. Proficient alternatives are deterred from joining the public service, particularly political activity. Even when a talented politician is finally found he tends to invest his talents in scheming.
Israel's prime minister does not draw his real authority from the Knesset laws, but from the public's expectations. It's in this arena that Olmert lost his authority in the war, and it’s the only place where he can rebuild it - through hard, laborious work.
Void of heritage, leadership and vision, Kadima is now attempting to reinvent itself as a party. The rule that gave birth to Kadima is no longer favorable. The party wants a new rule that would prolong its term in office.
Knesset Speaker Dalia Itzik already has a director general and chief of staff, two new appointments and an additional burden on the inflated Knesset resources, and now she is free to streamline the regime.
The secret weapon with which Olmert and his associates are embarking on the battle is the lack of an alternative: There is not a single political alternative on the horizon that has significant public support. Here lies the danger as well: If Olmert and his cronies don't come to their senses, they may be last on the democratic ridge.
RSS
