Likud's real weakness is Netanyahu
Op-ed: Isaac Herzog was late, but perhaps not too late, in rephrasing the decisive question of this election: Not 'do you want four more years of an increasing cost of living?' but 'do you want four more years of a Bibi government?'
Herzog comprehended the Likud's main weakness this time, even in the eyes of its past voters: Bibi is the weakness. Netanyahu, who sought to present himself as the responsible adult capable of navigating the state through stormy waves, lost his captain touch. He started being portrayed as immature and irresponsible, and mainly a non-uniting figure.
While Netanyahu believed that his increased tongue-lashing against the press would attract voters, it actually drove voters away. More and more voters were convinced that the State of Israel deserves a leader who doesn't complain and whine continuously.
The tired, worn out Netanyahu, who is carrying family affairs on his back, who is detached from the Israeli street and is losing his charisma, was faced by a relatively young statesman from an international league, an energetic person and not a whiner, one who unites rather than divides, with a good national record, filled with traits which shape a leader. One who will not shame the state.
The decisive question which undecided voters base their vote on appears towards the end of every election campaign. At a late stage, but perhaps not too late, Herzog succeeded in changing the arena and rephrasing the decisive question: Not "do you want four more years of an increasing cost of living?" but "do you want four more years of a Bibi government?"
That's an excellent question.
Netanyahu was already defeated in the 2013 elections. After four years of growth, economic prosperity and quiet borders, the Netanyahu-led Likud ended up with fewer Knesset members than a new party which came out of nowhere and was headed by a talented media personality with no political experience.
In order to lead the coalition, despite the defeat, Netanyahu as forced to give Lapid the apple of his eye – the Finance Ministry. Bibi really begged Lapid to take the Treasury… what a political mistake.
If the Likud movement were a party which wanted to rule, it would have bid farewell to Netanyahu in 2013 and replaced him with a worthy personality with leadership skills. Maybe it will do so after the 2015 elections.
Shas' 'transparent' campaign
Aryeh Deri is allegedly crying out for the "transparent" people, the "Mizrahim" ("A Mizrahi votes Mizrahi," says Shas' ethnic-hysterical election ad). Deri apparently doesn’t live here. In the past 38 years, the Mizrahim have become the most noticeable and outstanding ethnic group in the Israeli society.
In principle, I am against labeling Israelis according to their descent. It always reminds me of scientific racism. I also think that the grandparents' country of origin – beyond the nostalgic aspects – is meaningless.
But if Deri is already labeling people, here are a few facts: Mizrahiness controls our popular culture. In the elite culture, two of the four most important authors in Israel and most of the country's young poets are of Mizrahi descent. Three of the five leading businessmen are Mizrahi. The strongest government workers (men and women) in Israel today are Mizrahi. They, by the way, feel completely Israeli and refuse to ascribe any public importance to their descent.
The Philharmonic Orchestra of the USSR arrived in the United States once. The person in charge of the Soviet orchestra, a political activist, complained to the manager of the New York orchestra about the West's criticism about the anti-Semitism in the USSR. "It's a libel," the communist said, "67% of the musicians in our orchestra are Jews. How many Jews are there in your orchestra?"
The American manager looked at him and said: "I have no idea."
It's not the people of one ethnic descent or another who are "transparent," Mr. Deri. It's their descent which is becoming transparent – and that's a good thing.
