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Photo: AFP
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Wants to go crazy too
Photo: AFP
Nahum Barnea

In Israel, elections are a sort of escapism

Op-ed: Netanyahu has a dream government. It’s submissive and obedient, and all its ministers speak with one voice. There is no one threatening him and no one undermining him. Nevertheless, after two years, he is fed up again and may drag Israel to elections.

I pity the foreign diplomats serving in Israel. Their governments expect them to send a long, highly confidential telegram every few days with an in-depth description of the political situation in this country. The governments are thirsty for simple, clear answers: Is there a crisis or not, are there going to be elections or not, is there an investigation or not, who will lead Israel a year from now and what kind of coalition will there be—a right-wing one or a centrist-rightist one?

 

 

They diligently read translations of reports and articles published in the Israeli media, and occasionally meet with a Foreign Ministry employee, with a Knesset member or with a commentator. The Israeli talks at length; the diplomat nods but doesn’t understand a thing. He knows the telegram he will write later on will do nothing to promote his faltering career at home.

 

Netanyahu at Sunday’s cabinet meeting. Calling this dispute ‘a crisis’ is quite embarrassing (Photo: Marc Israel Sellem)
Netanyahu at Sunday’s cabinet meeting. Calling this dispute ‘a crisis’ is quite embarrassing (Photo: Marc Israel Sellem)

 

The telegram he won’t write will say, more or less, the following: Israel is an interesting country. In most of the democratic countries I know, elections are called for three reasons: One, the time stated in the law has arrived; two, there is a serious political crisis, the kind that dissolves governments; three, the prime minister has identified an opportunity for a major victory which could increase his power. In Israel, a fourth reason has been invented: You go to elections in order to avoid making decisions. The elections are a sort of escapism.

 

Let me try to explain. In his previous term, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu led a centrist-rightist government. He dissolved it after two years. The reasons he provided for the disbandment were sentimental: He was fed up with his coalition partners’ attempts to undermine him. The last straw was a private bill on a marginal issue, which gained a temporary, unbinding majority in the Knesset. He imposed elections, after which he established a completely right-wing government.

 

The government he created is submissive and obedient. All its ministers speak with one voice. Occasionally, someone says something critical, but there is no one threatening him and no one undermining him. Nevertheless, after two years, he has once again announced that he is fed up. The disputed issue is so marginal, that I would rather not bore you with its details. Calling this dispute “a crisis” is quite embarrassing. But he is fed up, and he may drag Israel to elections.

 

You’re interested in the diplomatic side. Fortunately, there is a diplomatic side. A new president has been elected in the United States. His name is Donald Trump. The forces that make up this government pinned a lot of hopes on him. Bayit Yehudi leader Naftali Bennett referred to him as a messiah: His election has removed all the restrictions imposed on Israel by previous presidents. Israel will be able to annex, settle and enact whichever laws as it wants.

 

And then Trump opened his mouth and said, Reach whatever deal you want. He didn’t say, do whatever you want, settle wherever you want. He said, strike a deal. His envoy, a lawyer who specializes in real estate contracts in the Trump Organization, came here to prepare the papers for the signing. He was very surprised to hear that there is no deal. There are constraints. Trump only recognizes his own constraints.

 

Indeed, there were reports about a deal—a new Amona in exchange for a settlement construction freeze. Netanyahu rushed to deny it: He won’t let Bennett steal right-wing votes from him, not while we’re headed towards elections.

 

The diplomatic issue is just an example. You asked about the investigations against the prime minister. Don’t believe the reports: During an election campaign, it’s very difficult to move forward with an investigation, and it’s impossible to file indictments or conduct a trial. The atmosphere is too charged. Imagine what will happen if the police ask to question someone abroad. No foreign government will be in hurry to approve such an investigation, for fear of being accused of plotting against Israel. The election campaign will dissolve the investigations; a victory will bury them.

 

There is one more advantage, a significant one, in an election period: The leader is allowed to lose his mind. The voters like it; the world understands. You must remember what Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said about Trump after he announced that he would deport all Muslims from America. During an election campaign, it’s acceptable. Netanyahu wants to go crazy too.

 

Israelis don’t want early elections. They have had enough of politics. Even those who want a change don’t believe it will come now. Netanyahu knows how to overcome this problem. It’s harder for him to drag his own party and his coalition partners to elections. Netanyahu created their dream government, and now he’s paying the price.

 


פרסום ראשון: 03.28.17, 23:34
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