The new Shimon Peres

Ehud Barak’s quest for respect increasingly resembling Peres’ style

Attila Somfalvi|Published: 10.15.08 , 20:06

One does not need a political science degree in order to analyze and understand the Labor party’s old-new coalition agreement with Kadima. It would be enough to listen to Ophir Pines’ words, or to take note of Shelly Yacimovich’s or Barak associate Eitan Cabel’s deafening silence, in order to understand precisely what this deal is worth, and what sort of “achievements” Labor gained through it.

As usual with Barak, it again started with a bang and ended with a whimper: a predictable agreement that could have been secured two weeks ago – unless we take into account the immense effort undertaken in order to turn the Labor chairman (or rather, the senior deputy prime minister for you) into the new Shimon Peres – as we may recall, the post of vice premier was invented especially for Peres in the past.

And so, slowly but surely, Barak is turning into the person he attempted to eliminate from the political map. He is becoming the Shimon of old, a person in search of respect and title, a man who “never deals with such things” yet is always able to get what he wants: A title, an appointment, a job, some respect. Once upon a time they called it vice premier, today we call it senior deputy, and tomorrow we may see Barak asking for signature rights on the pay slips of Prime Minister Office’s employees.

As is customary for him, Barak came out of this ordeal bruised. For three weeks he manipulated the political establishment, drove his own party crazy, and irritated his and Kadima’s teams. We can see it as negotiation dynamics, but time after time, with sharp turns, left, right, ahead, and in unknown directions, he paved his sure way to Livni’s government table. The more he tried to blur the move, the more he tried to make things more complicated, the clearer it became that he wants to be in the government. The games merely damaged him and embarrassed his party, which again failed to understand what he wants and where he’s leading it to.

No surprises

There are no big revolutions in the deal secured on the eve of Sukkot. There is no big news there either. As much as the Labor chairman’s aides attempt to explain the scope of this achievement, this deal is no more than reasonable. With the exception of the clauses that attempt, through sophisticated and blurred wording, to improve Barak’s status around the government table, there are no surprises. There is also no drama on the socioeconomic front: Pines swears that the coalition deal signed by Amir Peretz in 2006 is immeasurably better than Barak’s latest agreement.

Barak cannot wave around the six pages of the agreement as if he holds some great treasure. The Labor chairman is a senior deputy PM, whatever that is, and has been given the right, in writing, to turn into a sort of pest who can call the Prime Minister’s Office as many times as he wants. Livni, on her part, will have to ask him for permission to breathe. Barak’s people threaten that should she violate this rule, a crisis will ensue.

Finally, there’s the issue of his new status as the future opposition chairman. Through yet another tireless effort, Barak managed to convince others that there’s nothing more natural than the need to change the law in order to let a person who is not a Knesset member to lead Israel’s opposition. Why? To ensure that if the government collapses, at least he’ll be left with the title. If not a senior deputy, then at least an opposition leader. However, Likud officials swear this isn’t so simple. Silvan Shalom explained to Barak in the past that regardless of what the law says, it isn’t enough that the opposition leader heads the largest faction – he also needs the support of most Knesset factions. Well, now all that’s left is to wait and see Effie Eitam and Avigdor Lieberman endorsing Ehud Barak.