As Netanyahu continues his war on nuclear agreement, impression of Iran's victory intensifies
Photo: Reuters
Prof. Daniel Friedmann
Photo: Yaron Brener
Wanted: A diplomatic lifeline for Israel
Op-ed: In addition to security-related compensation following the Iran deal, we should try to get US President Obama to issue a firm and unequivocal declaration that Israel is subject to selective and unjustified enforcement on the international level.
The world powers' agreement with Iran
is a diplomatic disaster for the State of Israel, which is as big as that military Yom Kippur in 1973.
The belief that Israel allegedly dictates the Unites States' policy turned out to be a balloon which lost all its air. Israel's few friends, including European countries led by Germany, abandoned it. Even Micronesia didn't make any encouragement sounds. We have been left all alone.
Iran, a leprous and boycotted terror state, overpowered Israel which had fought with all its might – while making a lot of noise – against an agreement in which Iran achieved its main goals.
Nuclear Deal
Efraim Halevy
Op-ed: As Netanyahu tries to muster a majority in US Congress against deal with Iran, It's important to hold a profound debate in Israel on whether no agreement is preferable to a signed agreement with components that are crucial for Israel's security.
The question is what do we do next. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu probably can't be stopped, and he will continue his war on this agreement. And as this war grows and goes on, the impression of Iran's victory will intensify.
The International Criminal Court in The Hague, alongside the United Nations Human Rights Council, is turning in practice into the defender of terror (Photo: Getty Images)
And if that were not enough, the crazy idea of a strike in Iran has reemerged. We should think not only about the huge risks involved in such an attack and the tremendous investments in life and property, but also about what will happen on the day after. Iran will respond, and it will have international legitimacy to do so. It doesn’t need Hezbollah.
It can, for example, fire missiles at Israel directly from its territory, and we will have to decide how to respond. In Operation Protective Edge we needed 50 days before we managed to stop the Hamas fire. How many years will we need in order to stop the fire from Iran and what will be the price?
Now there is talk about compensation which the Americans are still willing to give us. What exactly will we ask for: Stealth aircraft, bunker buster bombs, means for a strike in Iran? Strengthening security is definitely recommended, and let's hope that the IDF sets the desirable list of priorities, but we should also know that in addition to security, we also need a diplomatic lifeline.
Israel has become the world's punching bag. It's partly our fault, but what has been done to us on the international level exceeds anything that can be considered justified. The International Criminal Court in The Hague, alongside the United Nations Human Rights Council, is turning in practice into the defender of terror – as these bodies tie our hands in any reasonable attempt to fight terror.
Our situation would have improved notably if we could, for example, as part of the compensation, and basically as part of elementary justice, get US President Barack Obama to issue a firm and unequivocal declaration that Israel is subject to selective and unjustified enforcement on the international level, when it is presented with claims that are not presented to any state and any army in the world.
Such a clear and unequivocal statement, which may be followed by additional steps, would have likely changed the apparent enthusiasm in the attempts to apply international criminal law against us.
It is also important to get a public American commitment for a proper response against Iran in any event that it should use terror against Israel, whether directly or through one of its satellite organizations in the region.
To all this we can also add understandings about an agreement in our region, which will include the recognition of Israel's status in the Golan Heights, which is crucial for our security, and will protect Israel's interests as part of an agreement with the Palestinians. In such an agreement we should be ready to contribute our part, so that it would eventually lead to a calm and end our control of millions of civilians with no civil rights.
Prof. Daniel Friedmann served as Israel's justice minister from 2007 to 2009.
