Changing system of government

A prime minister hopped into the most expensive, fastest and lethal car. Nothing stopped him from arriving at his destination, except for the car speeding in the opposite direction.

The prime minister didn't bat an eyelid; he put the pedal to the metal and ended up in a head-on collision resulting in numerous casualties. The prime minister was quick to draw conclusions: "Now I have to get a more expensive, faster and lethal car," he said. And there were those who went out to buy it for him.

Ehud Olmert has been holding the reigns of government for the past nine months, initially as the acting prime minister in Ariel Sharon's absence, and since April as the elected prime minister.

A lot can be said about this period of time, but one thing is above argument: The system of government did not dictate what Olmert should do or not do. Neither the Knesset nor the cabinet. Neither the realignment nor the war. He made his own decisions and he made his own mistakes. All the rest is a cynical attempt aimed at diverting attention away from the State's real problems.

Hitchhikers trying to board bandwagon

Various hitchhikers are trying to board this cynical bandwagon. One such group calling itself "There is Hope," convened in the office of Ichilov Hospital Director Gabi Barabash. Members of the group include professors Uriel Reichman and Amnon Rubinstein, attorneys David Libai and Moshe Shahal, former Shin Bet chief Yaakov Perry, Major General Giora Eiland and several other businesspersons.

The group issued a sloppy document whose meagerness demonstrates the level of seriousness by at least some of the group's members towards this issue. Primarily, the document makes it difficult for the Knesset to topple the government, and in exchange adds several extraneous members to the government according to what is known as the Norwegian Law.

Israel Our Home party leader Avigdor Lieberman, another star of constitutional thought, is proposing presidential elections. Lieberman isn't dreaming of the American model, but rather, the Putin model.

The fact that Israel implemented this model and failed with it twice doesn't faze him. Former prime ministers Netanyahu and Barak mean nothing to him. When Lieberman envisions a presidential prime minister, he sees himself.

Israel's system of government leaves a lot to be desired. It is ailing. But the cure for its malaise is not structural.

Power to the prime minister

The current government system gives the prime minister immense power. If he so wishes, he can go to war; if he so wishes can negotiate peace and if he so wishes, as Sharon demonstrated, he can evacuate Israeli land although the majority of his party may oppose such a move.

There are counter-balancing and limiting elements, and this is a good thing. The main brake is the Supreme Court and its executing arm, the attorney general; the second most important brake is the media; the third is the Knesset vote.

The problem is that these forces tend to hassle the government instead of creating equilibrium. Sharon could do whatever he wished except for halting the investigation against him.

Olmert could err in his conduct of the war, but his real-estate transactions are meticulously scrutinized. Ramon could ruin any political system he touched, but lost his seat with a kiss. The State budget can be good or bad, but its fate is sealed with last- minute favors given to sectorial Knesset members.

Lack of mutual respect

The Israeli governing system's greatest problem is the lack of mutual respect. The prime minister doesn’t have the slightest bit of respect for his ministers, and vise versa; the ministers have no respect for their clerks and vise versa; the General Staff has no respect for the political echelons, and vise versa; the Supreme Court has no respect for the Knesset and vise versa; and absolutely no one has any respect whatsoever for the president. Everyone holds everyone in contempt.

All their sins, alleged crimes and cynical spins are completely exposed. This, more than any structural defect, endangers the foundations of democracy. A democracy is not built on sets of rules, but rather, on respect for the rules of the game. If there is no respect – there is no game. They are all spinning in their own spins, Olmert realizes this. He is an intelligent man, but the craving, oh the craving.