'Netanyahu must now become a bigger settler than Bennett and more anti-Arabs then Lieberman'
Photo: GPO
When Netanyahu changes direction, it means elections are coming
Analysis: When elections emerge, prime minister feels an unconquerable urge to appeal to most radical voters – and to hell with reforms he supported, principles he believed in and commitments he made to his government and foreign governments.
The scientist who landed European spacecraft Philae announced that the robotic lander had fallen into winter sleep. Its battery finished. In the summer, when the sun rises over it again, the battery will be charged and the spacecraft will wake up again, they hope.
This is sad news for the European Space Agency, and a thought-provoking challenge for those living far beneath, between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. It would be nice if we could fall into winter sleep too, and skip all the filth the coming months have in store for us.
Impending Elections?
Analysis: The coalition can solve all of its disputes, but if the prime minister decides this is a convenient time for him to call elections, he will find every reason to disband the government.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is the weather vane indicating the wind's direction. When he thought his existing coalition had at least two more years to govern, he preached a certain policy, supported a series of decisions and opposed others. In the past two weeks, he has changed direction.
Let's get started: Last week, he undermined the law regulating commercial television broadcasts, a law which he supported in the past; he worked to thwart the law allowing the Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and other governmental companies to issue part of their shares. He, the big privatizer, has turned into the submissive servant of Knesset Member Haim Katz, the IAI workers' boss; he stood aloof when Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein and Coalition Chairman Zeev Elkin curbed the reform in the health system, which he voted for in the government; on Sunday, he expressed his support for Elkin's Jewish nation-state bill, which aims to reduce the state's responsibility for the values of democracy. In the past, Netanyahu opposed this law, fearing the damage its approval would cause to Israel's status in the world; he delivered fiery speeches about Jewish-Arab relations which provoked the Arab sector in Israel, and let the disputes over the budget to puff up to the point of explosion.
Has Netanyahu gone mad? Of course not. He has simply repeated a regular ritual, which has been accompanying him throughout all the elections campaigns, those he won and those he lost: When elections emerge, he feels an unconquerable urge to go back to basics, to the most radical segment of his electorate.
If the reforms he supported, the principles he believed in, his commitments to his government and to foreign governments and the pretension of the responsible adult all go up in flames on the way – let them burn. Be quiet, it's voting time.
Especially now, when the split in the right-wing camp is growing, and the shrinking Likud is competing over the same electorate with Bayit Yehudi Chairman Naftali Bennett and Yisrael Beitenu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman, he must become a bigger settler than Bennett and more anti-Arabs then Lieberman. Otherwise, he won't be Bibi.
Yesh Atid Chairman Yair Lapid is entering this battle with an overdraft. Some of his voters have abandoned him; his addiction to the zero-VAT plan has made him hostage in the hands of his rivals; the insistence, which allowed him to subdue Netanyahu in the past, with the haredi draft law for example, has lost its power of influence. One cannot use the election threat against a person who has made up his mind to call elections.
Lapid invested the entire budget blanket, what was left of it after the defense budget compromise, in fulfilling his promises to his voters. He forgot that the coalition members also have voters who were given promises – and the election rain is falling on their heads too. If they can't bring their voters money, they will at least bring them the satisfaction of humiliating Lapid.
If this cynicism, the flock running towards abyss, would be countered by a protest, not a mass protest like in 2011 – we can't expect too much – but something, a virtual encampment on Facebook, a sit-down strike outside the prime minister's residence, there would be a glimmer of hope to hold onto this winter. But 2011 emptied the springs of protest. We respond to cynicism with cynicism, to despair with despair.
Elections, even early elections, can be helpful by refreshing the agenda, clarifying stances on existential issues, giving the public an opportunity to voice its opinion. They are unhelpful when they make politicians pretend to be someone else, push them to act against the national interest, stir up wars they are not interested in, give in to dictations made by donors, political and business lobbies and union leaders.
The elections have yet to be officially declared, but they already reek of corruption.
