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IDF tank on Gaza border. 'The only Israeli interest in regards to Gaza should be security-related'
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Photo: Ofer Amram
Major-General (res.) Giora Eiland
Photo: Ofer Amram

How do we cease the fire?

Analysis: In order to create more stability and deterrence, Israel's strategy should be to treat Gaza as an actual state.

Naturally, everyone is preoccupied with concrete questions like whether a ground operation is the right thing to do, or which conditions would be required in order to stop the operation.

  

 

At the same time, we should also deal with a question that goes beyond that: What should be Israel's strategy in regards to Gaza? The answer to this question could affect both the way the operation is being conducted today and the arrangement of reality on "the day after," as well as the possibility of preventing the next round.

 

Since 2006, Israel's strategy in regards to Gaza has been based on nine assumptions, which are all wrong: (1) We are fighting against terror organizations; (2) We are only allowed to strike clear military targets; (3) Israel must continue supplying food, electricity, gas, etc. to Gaza's residents, even during an operation; (4) International pressure on Israel over a massive military operation is a bad thing; (5) Israel has an interest in the Palestinian Authority regaining control of Gaza; (6) We must boycott anyone talking to Hamas; (7) Western countries should be prevented from investing in Gaza and in its economy; (8) The format of the naval blockade of Gaza is necessary; (9) It's impossible to sustain a truce with Hamas which will last many years.

 

So what should be the Israeli policy in regards to Gaza, and why does it contradict the existing assumptions? Well, Israel should treat Gaza like an actual state. This is not only the best description of reality; it also serves us. We are therefore not fighting terror organizations, but rather a neighboring state which has attacked us.

 

In such a situation, we can attack not only clear terror targets but also any national infrastructure which helps the enemy state of Gaza fight us. It's unreasonable to continue exporting food, electricity and gas to that enemy state during the fighting.

 

As the pressure we exert on the state of Gaza increases, so will the international pressure on us to stop the operation. And that's a good thing. Unlike previous wars, in which we were in a rush to conquer a territory before being stopped, here there is no such problem. Our interest is to reach a state of calm as soon as possible, and the international pressure will force both sides to stop.

 

When the ceasefire is reached, we will have to greatly increase both the stick and the carrot. Increasing the carrot means that Israel recognizes the Hamas rule in Gaza in practice and isn't insisting on getting Mahmoud Abbas back there. Israel would be glad to see foreign (Israel-friendly) elements invest in Gaza and develop its economy.

 

Israel will agree to lift the naval blockade when ships from Europe will be able to reach the port which will be built in Gaza (the police in each of these countries will check the ships before they leave and they will be escorted by their navy).

 

Each of these extensive benefits will be stopped at once, along with a complete halt in the transfer of equipment and energy to Gaza, the moment that state opens fire at Israel. Moreover, the economic aid and the removal of the blockade will depend on the dismantling of the rocket arsenal. True, Hamas will likely refuse, but it's better if the refusal comes from Hamas.

 

In summary, the only Israeli interest in regards to Gaza should be security-related. Any attempt to also gain diplomatic and even ideological achievements is wrong. If we free ourselves of every consideration which is not clearly security-related, we will be able to make it extremely worthwhile for Hamas to maintain the ceasefire on the one hand and create much stronger deterrence on the other hand.

 

Relations between states always create more stability and deterrence, even if we are talking about enemy states. And Gaza, as I said, is a state and we should treat it as one.

 


פרסום ראשון: 07.15.14, 00:40
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