Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Ra'am leader Mansour Abbas in the Knesset as their coalition was sworn in last month

Reluctant Ra'am could pose budget headache for Bennett

Islamist party made history by being first Arab party in governing coalition, even if it is not quite marching in lockstep with rest of government; but with PM commanding slimmest possible majority, he cannot afford to censure the four Ra'am MKs whose support he needs to pass budget

Tara Kavaler/The Media Line |
Published: 07.23.21, 23:46
With no single party ever commanding a majority in the Knesset, Israel has always needed coalitions to form its governments – coalitions that in the past shared the ruling bloc’s main objectives.
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  • This paradigm is being challenged by the Islamist Ra’am party, which made history last month by being the first Arab party to be part of an Israeli governing coalition.
    3 צפייה בגלריה
    השבעת הממשלה
    השבעת הממשלה
    Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Ra'am leader Mansour Abbas in the Knesset as their coalition was sworn in last month
    (Photo: AFP)
    While the diverse coalition of right-wing, centrist, left-wing and Arab parties holds 61 Knesset seats, the narrowest possible margin for majority in the 120-member legislature, not every party wants to be a part of the cabinet.
    For years, this occurred with Ashkenazi Haredi parties, whose lawmakers eschewed full ministerial posts because the government might make decisions that entailed violating Shabbat, but instead preferring deputy ministerial posts. However, they still voted faithfully with the coalition.
    “They were loyal players because they received their budget and their demands were met," says Gayil Talshir of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem’s Political Science Department.
    “Even though Ra’am’s main demands were met, they are still not loyal players for the coalition,” she says, attributing this in part to the political inexperience of the party’s four members of Knesset.
    “If you’re in the coalition, you’re supposed to vote with the coalition on votes of confidence and issues of principle, but Ra’am is not yet used to playing this parliamentary game,” Talshir says.
    “It has not yet grasped the concept and the behavior that comes with being part of the coalition.”
    3 צפייה בגלריה
    עבאס, בנט ולפיד לאחר החתימה בפגישה בכפר המכבייה
    עבאס, בנט ולפיד לאחר החתימה בפגישה בכפר המכבייה
    L-R: Yair Lapid, Naftali Bennett and Mansour Abbas signing the outline of their coalition agreement, June 2021
    (Photo: Nawaf al-Nabari)
    This coalition-of-the-unwilling puts Prime Minister Naftali Bennett in a difficult position.
    “The coalition cannot conduct a new negotiation on each new piece of legislation about the conditions of Arab in Israel or something that is not relevant to the coalition’s management of itself,” Talshir says.
    “With a 61-member majority, this is a big problem. Ra’am is not yet a loyal team player in the coalition.”
    The reluctance to go with the coalition’s flow has been a constant issue since the 24th Knesset entered office, from the first vote to form a government to the failure to extend the Family Unification Law regarding Palestinian spouses of Israeli citizens, which expired on July 6.
    This is also in evidence regarding the state budget: If it is not approved by November 4, the government will automatically fall and early elections will be held.
    For the last few years, Israeli governments have been operating under versions of the 2019 budget that was passed in March 2018, rendering significant changes to existing programs impossible.
    Talshir cautions that talk by Ra’am of withholding support is premature and part of customary political posturing ahead of budget talks. However, she notes that Bennett is in a tough spot, as the traditional option of punishing coalition members who vote against the agenda risks losing power entirely.
    “Bennett can’t vote to place sanctions on them because if they defect or vote against then the government falls. This is the delicate situation we are in,” she says.
    “Until the budget passes, they are going to be gentle with Ra’am, because it is not exactly clear what it means to be in the coalition but not in the government,” Talshir says.
    “And they are very inexperienced players, so you give them the benefit of the doubt that they don’t yet know how to be a part of it.
    “They can be more aggressive to disloyal team players in the coalition after the budget passes, when the chances of the government falling are much lower,” Talshir says.
    3 צפייה בגלריה
    מנסור עבאס
    מנסור עבאס
    Ra'am officials campaigning ahead of the March 2021 elections in which the party secured four seats after splitting from the Joint List alliance
    (Photo: Elad Gershgoren)
    Shmuel Sandler, president of Emuna Ephrata College in Jerusalem and professor emeritus of political science at Bar-Ilan University in Ramat Gan, also says it is early to take the threats of not passing the budget and leaving the coalition seriously.
    He believes Bennett will ultimately muster enough votes to pass the budget, barring an unforeseen event like a military conflict or domestic unrest.
    “It is a coalition that came about opposing the other coalition, [Likud Chairman Binyamin] Netanyahu and the Haredi parties, and as long as they stick together, this coalition will stick together,” he says.
    “This is not a question of how much they love each other, it’s a question of how much they are threatened by the counter-coalition.”
    Sandler believes that ultimately, Bennett will gain some support from Ra’am for the budget, excluding the aforementioned caveats, because, like Bennett with the budget, Ra’am’s political future depends on achieving tangible gains for its voters.
    “Ra’am wants to prove itself. … Its major test will be if it can deliver improvement in the situation of Israeli Arabs, especially the ones in the South,” he says. “It is also a question of survival for Ra’am itself.”

    Reprinted courtesy of The Media Line
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