Former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Mike Herzog discussed the evolving American policy under President Donald Trump in an interview with Ynet. He also discussed the new reality in the Middle East amidst a war that has lasted nearly a year and a half. In the interview, Herzog, who ended his term as ambassador two months ago, spoke about the missed opportunity for normalization with Saudi Arabia, addressed strategies regarding Iran, and clarified that the release of hostages takes priority over dismantling Hamas.
The U.S. is conducting a military campaign against Houthi rebels in Yemen, and President Donald Trump has issued threats toward Iran. How does this administration's policy differ from previous ones, particularly Joe Biden's?
This is definitely a different approach compared to previous U.S. administrations. There has always been a defined "red line" regarding the prevention of disruptions to international shipping routes. The previous administration responded militarily, but it did so sporadically, occasionally striking targets in Yemen. What’s different now is the scope and intensity. There’s a clear American campaign here, sending a message to the Houthis: "This is a prolonged attack, and it won’t stop until you cease disrupting international trade routes." The second component is a message to Iran, essentially saying, "We know you’re behind the Houthis, so you bear responsibility and won’t escape it."
Trump’s earlier statements spoke of a potential agreement with Iran. Has the strategy shifted, or is this still a path toward an agreement?
The strategy hasn’t changed. From my understanding, the Trump administration seeks an agreement with Iran to dismantle at least part of its nuclear capabilities. For now, Iran hasn’t responded, and I believe this is part of Trump’s approach to push Iran into negotiations.
Trump once aimed for a Nobel Peace Prize, saying, "I end wars, not start them." Does he appear to be working toward expanding the Abraham Accords and normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel, or leaning toward conflict?
A: His approach is based on "peace out of strength," meaning he seeks peace through demonstrating power. He threatens the use of force to push the other side into agreements. Sometimes it works, but not necessarily. The question arises: if it doesn’t work, what will the Trump administration do? If negotiations with Iran fail, what will the U.S. do? Will it give Israel the green light to attack, strike itself, or join forces with Israel?
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Mike Herzog with members of hostage families lighting a candle
(Photo: Shmullik Almani)
You said in interviews that Israel missed an opportunity for a normalization deal with Saudi Arabia during Biden’s administration. Why?
There was interest from all three parties—Israel, the U.S., and Saudi Arabia—to reach a normalization agreement. It was built as part of a package that also included a defense alliance between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, which requires a two-thirds majority in the U.S. Senate. This effort stalled. Amid the war, the Saudis also wanted a ceasefire and a defined "political horizon," which, as we all know, is problematic and controversial for Israel.
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Because of the war, this issue was postponed for many months. We resumed discussions toward the end of Biden's term, with the idea of pushing it through between November and January—the so-called "Lame Duck" period in the U.S., when Biden could rally the necessary Democratic majority, and Republicans might vote in favor out of solidarity with Israel. Unfortunately, it didn’t succeed, which is a shame. I still believe this will happen, but it’s uncertain when.
How could this happen under the current Israeli government?
It’s clear that without defining a political horizon that involves two states and a path leading there, it won’t happen. This is a decision that any Israeli government will have to make.
Do you think Trump will try to advance his vision for Gaza?
Trump has a method he described in his book, The Art of the Deal. As someone who knows him well from the New York business world explained to me, he first throws a grenade into the room—then, under the shock, he starts negotiating and trying to extract concessions. When Trump said what he did about relocating people from Gaza, it doesn’t mean that’s the ultimate outcome. He’s pushing the Arab world to come up with its own proposal, which I don’t think would have happened without his initial ideas. Initially, it sounded like he was talking about forced relocation, but now it’s voluntary. That grenade he threw at the beginning was meant to spark dialogue, but it doesn’t mean it will actually happen.
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Air Force jet takes off to strike Hamas underground infrastructure
(Photo: Screenshot)
Was it a mistake for Israel to immediately embrace the idea?
I understand where the Israeli intention came from, and I’ve heard there are already plans to establish a governing body to encourage Gazans to emigrate. But honestly, even if 200,000 people leave Gaza, as long as the majority remains—and they will—and as long as Hamas remains in power and prevents people from leaving freely, the dilemma persists. Sooner or later, we’ll have to make decisions about Gaza, particularly regarding the hostages.
The first phase of the U.S.-brokered deal has been implemented. Does the Trump administration have the leverage to impose the "Witkoff Framework" on Hamas?
First, we need to define the framework. The Witkoff Framework is an attempt to bridge the gap between Phase 1 and Phase 2 of the original plan, buying time to rescue as many hostages as possible from Gaza. I sense some interest on the Hamas side, and we may be able to secure the release of additional hostages. But this won’t bring us all of them, as Hamas will only agree to their full release under the original Phase 2 framework negotiated with the U.S. and Israel. Sooner or later, even if we manage another one or two hostage releases, we’ll face a decision point: What takes priority—releasing the hostages or toppling Hamas in Gaza? My clear position is that Israel should prioritize the hostages’ release, and dismantling Hamas will have its time.