The last Dolphin: Israel’s newest submarine sends a message to Iran

Analysis: Built in Germany and forged through years of political conflict and corruption allegations, the INS Drakon gives Israel a more advanced sea-based deterrent as tensions with Tehran intensify, while paving the way for the even larger Dakar-class submarines now under construction

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Both partners wanted no big fuss. Media representatives were not welcome. The topic is highly sensitive, much of it strictly secret. But for Israel’s security, July 22, 2026, was nonetheless a significant day and, given the war with Iran, perhaps more important than ever.
A representative of the Israeli Ministry of Defense, based at the Israeli Embassy in Berlin, signed the handover protocol. Sailors from the Israeli Navy then boarded and officially took over the submarine INS Drakon.
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(Photo: Martin Athenstädt)
The very next day, the blue-painted vessel was spotted flying the Israeli flag in the waters off Kiel during initial sea trials. It was the sixth and final Dolphin-class submarine built for Israel by the German shipyard ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems.
This sixth boat was not only exceptional from a military perspective. Its story was also a political thriller involving corruption, arrests within Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s inner circle, and many ups and downs in German-Israeli relations. And yet it is also concrete proof of Germany’s promise that the secure existence of the Jewish state is a matter of German national interest, the so-called German Staatsräson. Germany has played a decisive role in this.
The Dolphin submarines were developed in Germany exclusively for the Israeli Navy, a historic milestone for Israel’s defensive capabilities. These boats give Israel a nuclear second-strike capability: the ability to launch nuclear warheads from the depths of the sea and retaliate if the country were attacked with atomic bombs.
This second-strike capability is the core of nuclear deterrence. Every attacker must know that if they devastate the country with nuclear weapons, they must reckon with their own destruction. From the beginning, this was Israel’s demand of the Germans, and the German government gave the green light.
Not only that: the first two boats were paid for entirely by the German taxpayer. For the others, the German government covered hundreds of millions of euros, about one-third of the construction costs. The first boat of the initial technical generation was delivered in 1999, and two more followed quickly. Even those first three boats had enlarged torpedo tubes that made it possible to fire cruise missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads.
Thus began this crucial chapter of nuclear deterrence from the deep sea, a capability so far unique to Israel in the Middle East. But those first three boats were still diesel-electric. They required oxygen from the surface and had to surface more often, making them easier to detect.
The major breakthrough came with Dolphin II. The shipbuilders in Kiel developed a new propulsion system, a hydrogen-based fuel cell in which they are world leaders. It is independent of an external oxygen supply.
The boat can remain submerged for weeks, has a long range and can dive to depths of up to 200 meters, a decisive advantage that makes it very difficult to detect. In addition to cruise missiles, it carries numerous reconnaissance instruments, can clandestinely deploy special forces and is also equipped with conventional torpedoes. It is a multipurpose weapon that significantly expands Israel’s strategic capabilities in the Middle East.
Two new-generation boats were delivered to the Israeli Navy. Then came the issue of the third new boat, and the political thriller soon began. A serious conflict arose between Prime Minister Netanyahu and then-German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Merkel wanted concessions for the Palestinians and postponed approval for construction of the boat. Netanyahu eventually made some small concessions, and the deal was finally signed in 2012, even though the Israeli Navy did not want it.
The admirals and the Ministry of Defense did not want another boat. Five in total, the three old ones and the two new ones, were enough. They preferred surface ships, including German-built corvettes, to protect Israel’s gas fields. But Prime Minister Netanyahu insisted on the delivery of a sixth submarine. Then-Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon resigned in protest.
Things would get much worse. The affair became “Case 3000,” a massive corruption case involving money laundering and tax offenses. At its center was Israel’s TKMS representative, Michael Ganor, who had around 10 million euros at his disposal. The indictment accused him of distributing the money to numerous confidants in Netanyahu’s inner circle.
In 2017, the justice system arrested seven suspects and filed charges. Former Defense Minister Ya’alon called it “the most corrupt tax affair in the country’s history.” Netanyahu himself was named only as a witness. As a result, the long-delayed sixth submarine was kept on hold. It was ultimately developed further, however, with new capabilities.
The hull was extended to 73 meters, the sail was made significantly larger and new sensors were installed, all under strict secrecy. Naval experts nonetheless quickly realized what it was mainly about. Although there is no official confirmation, specialists agree that space was created for additional vertical launch tubes.
Concretely, this means that the INS Drakon can carry ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear warheads over long ranges. This is a huge step forward for the Israeli armed forces.
But technology has already moved on. The INS Drakon is only a transitional solution. As early as 2017, Israel negotiated for a completely new generation of submarines, larger, more powerful and more clearly designed as a carrier for nuclear deterrence.
Chancellor Merkel again delayed the project because of the corruption affair. It was not until January 2022 that the purchase contract was finally signed and an entirely new designation was created. The future super-submarine is now called the Dakar class.
At 80 meters long, it will be the largest submarine ever built in Germany. And here it becomes even clearer what this means for Israel’s strategic strength in the Middle East. From the outset, large vertical launch tubes capable of housing ballistic missiles will be built into the hulls of the three boats. What began with the INS Drakon will now become a new standard.
With construction costs of around 3 billion euros, the German taxpayer is again contributing 570 million euros. The first of the three boats is expected to be delivered around 2030. At TKMS in Kiel, officials are extremely satisfied. The business with Israel also opens the door to further orders for other submarine types worldwide. The fuel-cell propulsion system is already an export hit.
“Everything is going according to plan with the new program for Israel,” TKMS CEO Oliver Burkhard told Ynet Global. “That also applies to the handover of the last boat of the previous series, including the homecoming in Israel.”
The INS Drakon is still conducting test runs in Northern European waters. But soon the controversial boat will dock in Haifa. It is expected to be able to berth in Israel in late summer. It arrives at a time when Israel is sending overtly strong military signals.
Amid ongoing tensions with Iran, a Dolphin-class submarine suddenly surfaced on July 19 in the Red Sea, directly off Eilat and Jordan’s Aqaba. Tourists immediately pulled out their smartphones and photographed the vessel. Israeli military censorship quickly cleared the images for publication.
Surfacing at that location was unusual but clearly deliberate. The message was unmistakable. The German-built submarines, with their long-range capabilities, are meant to deter. In a few weeks, the INS Drakon will join them.
  • Werner Sonne is a former senior correspondent for German broadcaster ARD. He is an author who has published several books on the Middle East conflict and German-Israeli relations.
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