Grandmother of Gabor, a 23-year-old student from Budapest, called him in tears a few days ago. “Promise me you’ll vote for Orban next week,” she pleaded. Gabor did not understand why she was so upset, but explained — for the umpteenth time — that he had no intention of voting for the corrupt politician who has ruled Hungary for the past 16 years.
“You know,” she continued, “that if Orban doesn’t win and your Peter Magyar comes to power, they’ll send you to the front in Ukraine and you’ll die there.”
Gabor chose to take a deep breath and change the subject. He had long since realized there was no point arguing with his grandmother, whose entire perception of reality is shaped by government propaganda channels. For months, they have been telling viewers that if Orban loses the election, his political rival Peter Magyar will attack Russia and drag Hungary into the war alongside Ukraine.
This alarming narrative has, of course, no basis in reality: no one in Hungary’s political system intends to intervene in the Russia-Ukraine war. But since Orban came to power in 2010 and gradually took control of most major media outlets, conspiracy theories of this kind have become a defining feature of public life in Hungary.
The disconnect between Gabor and his grandmother — each living in a different reality — largely tells the story of the election held yesterday in Hungary, where many young voters turned out in unprecedented numbers to vote against Orban’s Fidesz party in an effort to secure a different future. They voted in favor of remaining in the European Union and distancing Hungary from Russia, for a more open and tolerant society, and against the corruption, falsehoods and constant incitement offered by Orban.
The reason Hungary is of interest not only to Gabor and his friends but also to millions worldwide is that the Central European country has in recent years become a model for leaders seeking to dismantle democracy in their own states — not through force, but through sophisticated and manipulative legislation. Over his decade and a half in power, Orban implemented a series of “reforms” that enabled him to undermine judicial independence, take control of the free press and fill the civil service with political loyalists — while he, his family and party associates amassed vast wealth from public funds. The result: as Orban and his inner circle grew richer, Hungary became the most corrupt country in Europe and sank into deep economic stagnation.
For years, the assumption was that Orban could no longer lose an election. He invested significant effort in reshaping the electoral system to give his party a clear advantage. That assumption collapsed about a year and a half ago with the meteoric rise of Peter Magyar. A 45-year-old politician from Orban’s Fidesz party, Magyar one day chose to cross the lines and challenge the prime minister who had once been his political hero.
To many observers’ surprise, the Hungarian public was ready. Large numbers rallied behind the young, charismatic Magyar, who yesterday achieved the unthinkable — defeating Orban on a platform of ending the crisis with the European Union, restoring public services and rebuilding the rule of law.
Magyar’s victory is particularly striking given that few media outlets in Hungary remain outside Orban’s control or that of his allies. He reached millions through an aggressive, unapologetic tone, highly effective use of social media and relentless campaigning across cities and villages — including in Fidesz strongholds. Throughout the campaign, he projected that he was unafraid of Orban, even as the government’s smear machine sought to discredit him by every possible means. Drawing on his insider knowledge of the ruling party, Magyar stayed several steps ahead, repeatedly exposing Orban’s methods and effectively “inoculating” the public against the government’s delegitimization campaign.
Yonatan LeviMagyar, it should be noted, is not a great liberal. Many Hungarians understood that voting for him involved risk, and it remains unclear how committed he truly is to repairing the institutions that Orban and his allies hollowed out. At the same time, he has succeeded in energizing a broad and dynamic civic movement in a country that had long seemed politically dormant. His victory over an anti-democratic rival underscores the importance of not allowing populist leaders to dominate the public agenda unchecked. They can be defeated only through a clear, united opposition, civic courage and a compelling message of meaningful change.
Gabor and his friends — who have repeatedly taken to the streets in recent months to protest the government — understand that Magyar is a gamble. But for them, he is also the best chance to change their country’s future. From now on, they hope, Hungary will be known not only as a model for how democracies are dismantled in the 21st century, but also for how they can be rebuilt.
Dr. Yonatan Levi is a researcher at the London School of Economics and a research fellow at the Molad Center.