After Operation Litani in March 1978, the Begin government agreed to establish UNIFIL, a U.N. peacekeeping force in Lebanon. The defense and minister at the time was Ezer Weizman I asked him why he supported placing a foreign force between us and an Arab country, contrary to the policy of all previous governments. “I’m in favor of any foreign force,” Weizman replied, “as long as it comes from a hostile country.”
Why hostile? I asked. “Because if the force comes from a friendly country, it will become hostile,” he answered.
There was hostility, but far worse was the weakness. UNIFIL did not bring peace, did not bring security, did not bring benefit: 48 years of complete failure. This year it will be dismantled, by broad agreement. Meanwhile, in the south, we are supposed to receive a new international force — the Gaza Stabilization Force. Jared Kushner, the son‑in‑law and envoy, is the driving force behind the establishment of the new Gaza government, the governing board that will oversee it, and the force that will serve it. Netanyahu is against it; the IDF is against it. Trump breezily skips over both.
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The sixth round of fighting by the Jerusalem Brigade soldiers in Gaza has been completed
(Photo: IDF Spokesperson's Unit)
Every discussion of this charged issue must begin with one question: Where are we? Are we with the government of Israel, whose senior ministers speak of expelling the population and establishing Jewish settlement in its place? Are we with the prime minister, who wants to renew the war in Gaza within two months, until the entire territory is occupied and a military government imposed over two million Palestinians?
Are we with the IDF, which does not want to rule Gaza but does not know how to live with passing that authority to others?
Are we with President Donald Trump, who insists on involving Qatar and Turkey — two clear supporters of Hamas — in decisions about the fate of the Strip and its residents? Have two years of bloody fighting, filled with bereavement, anxiety, pain and suffering, been for nothing? Will Hamas be the real victor of the October 7 war?
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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and President Donald Trump at the White House in June
(Photo: Andrew Caballero-Reynolds, AFP)
The choice is very difficult. Think of a freed hostage debating whether to return to his kibbutz and raise his children there in safety; think of a resident of Sderot about to enter his new home, across from the ruins of Beit Hanoun; think of a family in Ashkelon or Be’er Sheva yearning, after two years of sleepless nights, for a few years of quiet; think of a reservist’s wife, exhausted from running the household alone; think of all Israelis.
In calmer times, a citizen might tell himself, “The situation is complex; I don’t have enough information; I trust the national leadership to know how to deal with it.” But these are not normal times. It is doubtful that any of the parties deciding the future of our western border deserve that trust.
Let’s start with Trump. Israel owes him a lot. None of his predecessors would have launched B‑2 bombers at Iran’s nuclear facilities; it’s doubtful any predecessor would have invested what his administration did in the release of hostages, in the war in Gaza, in the ceasefires with Gaza, Lebanon, Iran, Syria. His decisiveness and willingness to act outside the box were very beneficial.
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US President Donald Trump and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan
(Photo: Evan Vucci / POOL / AFP)
But the other side of that coin is recklessness, chatter, ignorance. He did significant damage when he suggested transferring the residents of Gaza. His Arab allies picked up the phones and he reversed himself, but the idea was legitimated in Israel and took hold. If the messiah, the savior, the greatest friend Israel has ever had, proposes expulsion, then it’s time to expel. He caused the deaths of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Iranian civilians when he tweeted “help is on the way” and no help came.
The halo of sanctity that has formed around Trump is an invitation to disappointment. Trump is not a righteous man; he is not a miracle worker; he is by no means immaculate. He has personal and national interests, whims, weaknesses. You can work with him; you should not become addicted to him.
In desperation, Netanyahu’s office blames his son‑in‑law, Jared Kushner. Indeed, Kushner has been angry with Netanyahu for months, and he has reason. But it is absurd to attribute the inclusion of Turkey, Qatar and (indirectly) the Palestinian Authority in Gaza’s reconstruction process to the son‑in‑law alone. Trump is not stupid. He does not like being treated as if he is.
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Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner with Steve Wtkoff at Hostages' Square in Tel Aviv
(Photo: Paulina Pettimer)
Netanyahu’s fears of hostile actors entering the process are understandable. But the alternative he proposes for Gaza is actually more dangerous. Suppose Trump allows him to open a new war in Gaza; suppose the conquest of the entire Strip is swift and the price acceptable. What happens then? What do we do with the two million displaced people left with nothing but the sand beneath their feet? Who will run them, fund them, care for their shortages? How will we deal with boycotts in America, in Europe, in the economy and in science?
We cannot dismiss Turkey’s and Qatar’s involvement — both U.S. allies and both close to Trump — nor the Palestinian role, and still expect total military and political support from the United States in our confrontation with Iran. Trump likes Netanyahu, but not that much.
Israel has failed in Gaza. It has no solution for that strip of land or the people who live there. Every alternative — including the one Trump dictates — carries great risks. Yet perhaps it is time to give others a chance.