Jameson Govoni, a former U.S. Army Green Beret who once marketed a drink to prevent hangovers, now finds himself at the center of a highly sensitive and secretive operation: securing humanitarian aid distribution to nearly two million people in Gaza.
Govoni is the registered owner of UG Solutions, one of several American private security firms hired to help protect aid convoys and food distribution points in the war-torn territory. Like others involved in the effort, the company’s ownership structure and sources of funding remain opaque. But as Shomrim has uncovered, Govoni’s activities span far beyond security — and his past includes a recent arrest in the United States.
In April, Govoni, 38, was detained in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, on suspicion of involvement in a hit-and-run incident. According to court documents reviewed by Shomrim, he fled the scene at high speed despite police orders to stop. He was later arrested at his home and released on a $50,000 bond. A UG Solutions spokesperson declined to comment on the arrest or whether it impacts his ability to travel outside the U.S.
Govoni, a resident of North Carolina, served 11 years in the U.S. Army, including deployments in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Colombia, as part of the elite Green Berets. His ties to Gaza date back to the early days of the war, when he was involved in evacuating U.S. citizens from the strip through a nonprofit called the Sentinels Foundation — an organization he co-founded in 2019 with another American, Glenn Devitt. The group, which officially aims to combat child exploitation, previously operated in Afghanistan and Ukraine. In November 2023, it publicly thanked Republican Senators Markwayne Mullin and Lindsey Graham for their assistance — both allies of then-presidential candidate Donald Trump. Neither senator responded to inquiries from Shomrim.
By January 2025, Govoni's return to Gaza was no longer philanthropic. UG Solutions was tapped — alongside another American company, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS) — to conduct vehicle inspections at the Nitzarim corridor during a ceasefire as part of a hostage deal. When the ceasefire collapsed, operations were paused until the end of May, when aid resumed and UG was tasked with securing the four main food distribution centers across Gaza.
Public job postings by UG show it seeks to hire former special forces operatives, including certified snipers. LinkedIn profiles of current UG personnel in Gaza reveal prior affiliations with firms such as Triple Canopy, a controversial contractor that operated in Iraq and provided security to high-profile figures including Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos and former President Barack Obama. Recruits reportedly earn around $1,000 per day.
Govoni’s ventures extend well beyond security. He co-founded "Alcohol Armor," a company that markets a hangover prevention beverage, which he and Devitt claim they developed while in the military. Another company, also under his control, sells energy drinks. All of these entities are registered to a P.O. Box in Davidson, North Carolina — the same mailbox used for UG Solutions and at least five other companies Govoni recently created, including UG Holdings, UG Advanced Protection, and UG Technologies. In June, he added a new one: UG Swamp. Their activities remain unclear.
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UG Solutions was formally incorporated in March 2023, before the Gaza war. It has since been registered in Florida, a move that could potentially lower its tax obligations. In addition, Govoni recently established a nonprofit, the Global Relief Alliance, which appears to be tailored for humanitarian work in Gaza. While its website is inactive, registration documents say the organization will deploy emergency relief teams in disaster and conflict zones and provide food, water, medical supplies, and shelter.
Govoni did not respond to multiple requests for comment from Shomrim. Devitt, who recently visited Israel, referred questions to UG’s public relations team, which replied only that “our managers are traveling and we will not be responding to the article.”
The secrecy surrounding Govoni’s businesses, his recent legal troubles, and his central role in a major international aid operation underscore the murky overlap of private security, philanthropy, and commerce in one of the world’s most volatile environments.