Conflicting views on the war, hostages and the conquest of Gaza City exist not only among the public in Israel but also among the military top brass. There are two schools of thought. One held by the IDF chief of staff calls for a ceasefire and the release of some of the hostages, which has already been agreed to by Hamas. This would negate the need to take over Gaza City, or at least postpone the offensive until negotiations are complete and would lead to the next phase: the release of all of the hostages and an end to the war.
The other school of thought promoted by some of the generals and senior field commanders calls for a comprehensive deal that would see all of the hostages released and the terms for an end to the war, acceptable by Israel, reached. These terms must include an end to Hamas rule over the Strip,and providing communities along the Gaza border with long-term security.
Tanks enter the Sabra neighborhood of Gaza City
This is not a political or ideological argument in the armed forces but a professional one. Unlike the dispute among far-right ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, who advocate for an Israeli occupation of all of Gaza and the establishment of Jewish settlements there, and the position of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer and others, who at least for the time being oppose that idea.
There is an agreement in the IDF that negotiations should come amid military pressure on Hamas that would intensify after the civilian population is removed from the areas of fighting.
Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir believes there should first be a siege imposed on the city and that the removal of civilians should come after the siege is in place, followed by aggressive military action, which should be taken gradually in areas where military intelligence can be sure no hostages are being held, to protect their lives and lives of the fighting forces.
Zamir also wants to use a the smallest possible number of units to minimize fatigue and the erosion of the reserve units' willingness and ability to fight. He also advocates for the delivery of humanitarian aid to rebuild international legitimacy for the war, which has been all but lost.
The main weakness of Zamir's plan is that it prevents continuous pressure on Hamas and could take up to a year before it achieves results.
The opposing view claims that a partial hostage release deal would mean a loss of momentum and opportunity to use the pressure on Hamas to Israel's advantage. Intelligence reports and statements by Hamas indicate that the terror group has been taking the threat of an Israeli conquest of the Strip seriously and along with preparing its soldiers for the assault, has been looking for a way to prevent the offensive.
A 60-day-long ceasefire and the release of some of the hostages would give Hamas time to regroup or would completely thwart efforts to remove the civilian population to humanitarian areas in the south.
They believe Israel will continue to lose whatever international legitimacy it still enjoys and that U.S. President Donald Trump may also lose his patience and demand that Netanyahu end the war. They argue that Gaza City may have to be conquered anyway down the road, but that will be after more hostages die, more Gazans suffer hunger and disease and international legitimacy is totally lost, leaving Israel without its announced objectives, won.
As one senior officer said, it is better to put pressure on Hamas now, when it is crying for help and not to allow its to regroup. He and others fear that a partial deal will prevent the IDF from taking the most important Hamas stronghold in Gaza. If that is the case, Hamas will remain and the war will drag on for years.
He also argues that half of Gaza City is already under IDF control and says the most critical mission for the IDF is to destroy the underground tunnel system beneath the city so that residents of the border area communities would be able to sleep safely at night.
Netanyahu's decision, as it was accepted by the cabinet, is an amalgamation of both schools of thought. The ministers decided to negotiate a comprehensive deal, under fire, with an offensive on Gaza City, unless Hamas backs down. The military's operational and humanitarian plans, already underway, include the removal of the civilian population before an assault on Hamas positions in the city. Netanyahu, and not for strictly professional reasons, is pushing for a tighter schedule. He is concerned of the pressure that could come from the White House.
According to military law, the chief of staff has the final word. His decision is binding to the rest of the military and his position, as it is presented to the government, is the only position of the IDF. Still those who oppose Zamir's stance are not shy to express their views and to work toward their positions being implemented.