Since launching his independent Yashar party, former IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot has experienced both highs and lows. Now, with favorable polls positioning him as one of the leading challengers to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition less than six months before the next election, Eisenkot says he sees reasons for cautious optimism — at least electorally.
In an interview with “120 and One,” ynet’s Hebrew-language political podcast, Eisenkot spoke about what he described as a strategic and security failure that has led Israel to its current position, as well as what he called a "odious" campaign directed at him by Netanyahu's camp.
Eisenkot viewed this week's 24-hour confrontation with Iran in bleak terms. "The link that now exists between Iran and Hezbollah — where Beirut is treated the same as Tehran — is something very serious that has never existed before," he said. "It's something I never imagined. We failed to capitalize on our military achievements and woke up to a security reality that must not be allowed. Even the fact that Israel needs approval from Washington in order to carry out a strike in Lebanon is inconceivable."
That's the price we pay for the extraordinary assistance we received. There are no free lunches.
"That's precisely the main problem. The prime minister maneuvered us into a position where the person deciding everything is the president of the United States. He imposed a problematic agreement in Gaza, he dictates the rules for the use of force in Lebanon, and he imposes restrictions on the use of force against Iran and turns planes around in midair."
So what are you proposing — ignoring him?
"No. But I would suggest explaining our interests better and standing firm on them. Netanyahu has broken security principles that guided Israel for eight decades."
If you had been prime minister on the day Iran launched missiles at Israel, what would have happened?
"I would have implemented what I proposed to Netanyahu during the first Iranian attack in April 2024. I recommended a simultaneous strike while the missiles were still on their way here. He blocked it and ultimately accepted someone else's opinion. That was the strike later dismissed by the national security minister as 'underwhelming.' It was the only time in recent years when I could justify Netanyahu's actions."
Eisenkot said his criticism of Netanyahu extends beyond the confrontations with Iran and Hezbollah and stems from the years preceding the war.
"Netanyahu understands very well the damage he caused the country and the way he brought it to October 7," Eisenkot said, referring to the Hamas attack that triggered the war. "He can say he wasn't awakened, that he wasn't updated or wasn't told. But before he goes to sleep at night, he knows he is responsible for the failure."
What happened to him?
"I think his legal troubles and personal and political interests have become the dominant factor in his decision-making. You can see it in every move he makes. Look at what is happening now. Instead of strengthening the IDF at one of its most difficult moments, he is weakening it because of political constraints surrounding the proposed Basic Law: Torah Study."
The legislation, promoted by ultra-Orthodox coalition parties, would seek to anchor Torah study in a Basic Law, part of Israel's quasi-constitutional framework.
"He's selling the state's principles to buy four more weeks," Eisenkot said. "He has formed an alliance with corrupt people who are focused on partisan and sectoral interests."
Are you referring to [ultra-Orthodox lawmakers] Moshe Gafni and Aryeh Deri?
"Some of his partners, yes. You mentioned their names. He is also surrounded by a corrupt criminal environment, some of whose members are accused of seriously harming state security, bordering on treason. He places these people closest to him."
Eisenkot argued that Israel's strategic institutions have deteriorated. "We have a weak Cabinet of submissive people. He destroyed the National Security Council. There is no diplomatic-security division in the Defense Ministry. The Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee is headed by a nice man who knows how to let people speak and then escort them out. Today there is no one challenging Netanyahu, and therefore he is leading Israel in the wrong direction."
Eisenkot left Netanyahu's emergency government in June 2024.
Do you regret leaving the government?
"No. Had I stayed, I would have served as a fig leaf and betrayed the principles that guided me throughout my life. I saw Netanyahu heavily influenced by his surroundings, pressured by [Finance Minister] Bezalel Smotrich and [National Security Minister] Itamar Ben-Gvir and failing to make the right decisions."
Eisenkot said he and his allies pushed for a hostage deal and for shifting military focus to the northern front. "We wanted to influence him to move forward with a hostage deal. He brought it to a vote but acted against it. We also tried to persuade him to move north because for a decade, together with the Mossad, a much larger plan than the pager operation had been prepared, but he refused to implement it," he said, referring to a September 2024 covert operation in which explosives were planted inside Hezbollah communications devices, injuring and maiming thousands of operatives.
Can you elaborate on the plan?
"In 2015, at the initiative of the Mossad, we launched a joint program with the IDF to introduce capabilities that would allow us to deliver a devastating blow when the time came. That blow never happened because, as usual, Netanyahu reacts to events instead of shaping them."
"A plan that cost billions of shekels was wasted. It would have achieved results 10 times greater than the pager operation. That's one reason he fears a state commission of inquiry — not only because of October 7. Massive plans prepared for Iran, Lebanon and Gaza were abandoned."
Is your son taking part in the ground offensive?
Eisenkot did not disclose which plan was being discussed in Lebanon, but hinted that it resembled the plan to strike Hamas’ tunnel network in Gaza — carried out during Operation Guardian of the Walls in 2021, with limited results.
“The idea was to locate all of Hamas’ defensive tunneling and strike it simultaneously after we had driven them underground,” he said. “That excellent plan, which I conceived, was wasted during Guardian of the Walls to answer public opinion. That, too, needs to be investigated. How do you make such a foolish decision?”
Do you understand the objective in capturing Beaufort Castle?
“Yes, because Beaufort is a high ridge overlooking northern Israeli communities. But if the goal is to remove the threat, demilitarize southern Lebanon and dismantle Hezbollah, then we are very far from that. As in Gaza, Netanyahu did nothing about the day after. I sat with him in Cabinet meetings. He refused to discuss the broader strategic picture. He is a man of the immediate mission.”
Can you see him being photographed at Beaufort like Menachem Begin and Ariel Sharon?
“No. They are a bunch of cowards. They go to some secured location, take photos and run away.”
There is constant talk about prioritizing fronts and the fact that Israel cannot take control of everything at once. If you were in his place, what should be done and where would you start?
“The first thing that should be advanced is a much-improved interim agreement in Syria. Regarding the Gaza Strip, Netanyahu transferred security authority to the Americans, and it is completely stuck. Hamas must be destroyed militarily and politically, either by force or through an arrangement. One of the two must happen.
“But this is classic Netanyahu again. He does not want the Palestinian Authority. He does not want to replace Hamas. It was the same during my time. He was the greatest supporter of Hamas rule in the Gaza Strip. I do not see that he has changed his mind.”
In the past, you responded to one of his attacks on you and hinted at his condition in the first days after Oct. 7.
“I first met him on Oct. 11, when he invited me and Gantz to a discussion. I admit that when I sat down a meter from him, I recoiled and was alarmed. I understood for the first time what it means for leadership to lose its balance.”
How did he appear to you?
“To Yoav Gallant’s credit — and he is not known as a great friend of mine — he was the only one who sat steadily and spoke with confidence about a plan. Everyone else seemed to me to be functioning below capacity, including Netanyahu. Gloomy, incoherent, letting the discussion drift.
“But after the discussion, Netanyahu made the right decision. The meeting began at 5 p.m., and everyone in the room proposed that he attack Hezbollah at 7 p.m. When he asked me, I said that would be a grave strategic mistake. The next day, at the swearing-in, he whispered in my ear, ‘You saved us yesterday.’
“Today, they say about me, ‘He opposed the ground offensive,’ ‘He did not want to enter Rafah’ — all the lies they repeat in loops. The chief of staff, Gallant, Gantz and I were the strongest advocates of the ground offensive. In the end, Netanyahu joined too. He also asked me whether my son was taking part in the ground offensive, to test me and understand why I was so obsessed with maneuvering.”
He asked you whether your son was taking part in the ground offensive?
“Twice. Back then, he expressed appreciation. Today, they make up claims that Eisenkot opposed the ground offensive.”
'I have contempt for that criminal'
Eisenkot has recently found himself at the center of a smear campaign by Netanyahu's camp. One of its main messages, he said, seeks to convince voters that "without Ayman Odeh and Ahmad Tibi, there is no Gadi," referring to the leaders of Arab-majority parties in Israel.
"That's how he always operates, and unfortunately that's how he has won elections," Eisenkot said. "They repeat the lie over and over. He apparently has someone who specializes in these lies," he added, in an apparent reference to Jonatan Urich, a close Netanyahu adviser who is facing legal scrutiny over allegations of leaking classified information.
"That man should be kept 1,000 kilometers away from anyone making decisions in Israel. He's a corrupt person who endangered state security and endangered hostages. Netanyahu is captive to him. Urich apparently knows something that gives him a special hold over Netanyahu. Someone like that should spend the rest of his life in prison. I know what he did with the Bild leak. He endangered one of the IDF's most important intelligence sources."
On the issue of cooperation with Arab parties, Eisenkot added: "Netanyahu himself pursued Mansour Abbas and made him promises without end. The problem is when a prime minister turns against 21% of his own citizens and delegitimizes them all. But that's Netanyahu. He wants to remain in power, so they invent lies."
What is your relationship with Odeh and Tibi?
"I don't have political relations with them. I judge issues, not people. That's why when I'm asked about Arab parties, I give the same answer I give regarding the ultra-Orthodox parties: I will sit with anyone who accepts three principles — Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, the values of the Declaration of Independence and mandatory military or national service.
"It's better to talk about who we will sit with rather than who we won't. Otherwise, you end up with candidates saying, 'We won't sit with the ultra-Orthodox,' 'We won't sit with Arabs,' 'We won't sit with Ben-Gvir,' 'We won't sit with Smotrich,' and 'We won't sit with Netanyahu's Likud.' Apparently they plan to form a coalition with the Baloch or the Freemasons. This is Israeli politics. I want to persuade parties that are not Zionist and state-oriented to adopt those three principles."
Presumably both Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir accept those principles.
"Ben-Gvir certainly does not accept a Jewish, democratic and liberal state. Based on the way he speaks, he wants a fascist state. As for Smotrich, he has a very problematic worldview. In his 2017 Decisive Plan, he essentially proposed ruling over all Palestinians or having them leave."
So Smotrich is not in line with you, Ben-Gvir wants a fascist state, the ultra-Orthodox refuse to enlist and Arab parties also oppose military service. How does this come together?
"We need to work together to achieve a clear victory over the coalition. Netanyahu will not be the next prime minister. He will lose. It's completely clear that he will lose. He has failed so badly. I have no doubt we will defeat him."
Who will be the next prime minister?
"I am working to make sure it is me."
That doesn't fit with what your partners Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid are building. Lapid has already said the two of you will hold a joint news conference next month.
"I worked to create one large party alongside two additional parties — Avigdor Liberman on one side and Yair Golan on the other. When that failed, I moved to Plan B, with four separate parties running.
"As for who should lead the bloc, the prime ministerial candidate should enjoy the broadest support possible, certainly not someone heading a party with six or eight seats. In my view, that is not democratic. It's neither proper nor desirable. We've already tried that experiment, and we shouldn't repeat it."
Could Bennett again demand the premiership even if he is not the head of the largest party?
"The Israeli public delegitimized the previous arrangement, even though the change government led by Bennett was reasonable and good. It would be better not to repeat it, especially given the reality of recent years. There should be one dominant party and the broadest coalition possible."
Did the failure to create a super-party come down to ego?
"Not only ego. There were differences in worldview. Bennett and Lapid decided to join forces. I thought that was a mistake. But I accept it and view them as partners. I have no anger. I have one goal: defeat the coalition and save the State of Israel."
Do you still see mergers on the table?
"Mergers are a tool. Victory is the goal. Small parties must not waste votes, and Likud must not remain the largest party."
So you haven't ruled out joining Bennett?
"At the moment, I'm focused on becoming the largest and strongest force. I'll examine mergers later. We need 61 seats and one party significantly larger than Likud."
Would you reserve spots on your list for your former allies Benny Gantz and Chili Tropper?
"That's not on the table."
Are you right-wing, left-wing or center-left?
"I'm a man of the State of Israel who deeply believes in the principle of statesmanship. I consider myself a security hawk. People should go back to my farewell ceremony as chief of staff, when Netanyahu listed our achievements and praised me for the use of force across the Middle East. Today he sends his people to smear me for the same things he once praised."
Because he's worried that your support is growing?
"He's worried."
Why you and not Bennett?
"Because he understands that I am his main rival. Unlike commentators, he knows me down to the millimeter. He knows how dominant I was as chief of staff and how much he relied on me for the achievements he later claimed as his own. Today I'm a political rival, so everything gets reversed."
In recent days, Netanyahu supporters circulated an English-language video shared by Urich that appears to mock Eisenkot as Israel's "information minister."
"I have contempt for that criminal," Eisenkot said. "He should be hiding in a bunker. He's a despicable person. Someone like that has no place in Israeli public life."
"And I ask myself, where was Netanyahu's excellent English on Oct. 7? Did it help us then? Not at all. Where is his excellent English in strengthening U.S.-Israel relations, which today are at a low point?"
Was that post racist?
"It was racist, and I have contempt for them."
Netanyahu represents many Mizrahi voters and development towns. Given the focus on English, are you concerned they will try to turn this into another David Levy story?
"I've never boasted about my English. But I can speak, read and write it, and I've managed fine in many meetings. I've sat in dozens of meetings with Netanyahu in English, and I don't recall him ever criticizing my present perfect tense.
"This is the behavior of weak people. They're frightened. On Channel 14, they discuss me in every time slot except the weather forecast. In the coming days, I'll probably be blamed for the June and July heat wave. If they really knew me, they'd understand that it only makes me more stubborn and more determined."
Eisenkot, whose parents immigrated from Morocco, was born in Tiberias and raised in the southern resort city of Eilat. "My parents came from Morocco — that's a fact," he said. "But ethnicity was never an issue in our home. I never felt discriminated against. I always believed you should excel and not complain."
Your parents never experienced discrimination?
"It was never discussed in our home. I never heard them complain. A media adviser once told me I had to make a campaign video about my parents meeting in a transit camp and the hardships they faced. I told him it was a great story — except that my parents spent their first year of marriage at Kibbutz Ashdot Yaakov. Then he said, 'That's a bad story.'"
Critics say you lack charisma, something that could matter against Netanyahu.
"I don't know what lacking charisma means. Let's say Netanyahu has charisma. I can see where he brought the State of Israel."
Eisenkot said the next government would have to address the contentious issue of military service exemptions for ultra-Orthodox Jews. "In May 1977, a historic moral mistake occurred when Likud and Agudat Israel agreed to exempt a few hundred Torah students," he said. "Menachem Begin did it out of respect for religion and innocence. He never imagined that during wartime there would be tens of thousands avoiding service."
According to Eisenkot, the Oct. 7 attack changed the equation and a new law should be based on four principles: universal military or national service, ending the longstanding exemption framework, significantly increasing benefits for those who serve and imposing sanctions on draft evaders, while allowing exemptions for about 3% of each annual cohort.
Couldn't that lead to unrest in the streets?
"We must not reach a situation of war in the streets."
Donald Trump says Netanyahu could 'drop a bombshell and retire.' Do you consider that possibility?
"It would be appropriate for him to submit a resignation letter, establish a state commission of inquiry and move on."
So are you saying he should receive a plea deal without moral turpitude and be allowed to leave?
"You may be surprised, but I have nothing personal against Benjamin Netanyahu. I would not want to see him in prison. On the other hand, I would not want to see a mockery made of Israel's legal system and the rule of law. If he wants a pardon, he should do what is required to receive one. What he wants is for the trial to stop and for the State of Israel to apologize to him."